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781
Advocate of Afghan “troop surge” selected as head of British Army

WSWS By Harvey Thompson 30 October 2008

In an unusual "clean sweep" replacement of top command positions in the UK's armed forces, General Sir David Richards has been appointed the new head of the British Army. He replaces General Sir Richard Dannatt.

The October 17 reshuffle means that three commanders with significant experience in the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq now have key leadership roles in the armed forces.

Gen. Richards was commander of British forces in Sierra Leone in 2000 and East Timor in 1999, and has also served in Northern Ireland and Germany. In his recent post as the head of NATO's International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan, Richards was the first non-American to command United States forces since the Second World War.

Richards' vacated position as Commander-in-Chief of British land forces is taken by Lieutenant General Peter Wall, who has served in Iraq and Afghanistan. Lieutenant General Sir Nick Houghton, who has served in Iraq, has recently been selected as Vice Chief of Defence Staff. The British military has been under considerable strain, with an expanded military role in southern Afghanistan countering a popular insurgency while still maintaining a besieged presence in southern Iraq.

The other new military chiefs named were Admiral Sir Mark Stanhope, who will be the next First Sea Lord and Chief of Naval Staff and Air Marshal Stephen Dalton, who becomes a four-star air chief marshal and Chief of the Air Staff.

The senior appointments are viewed as a snub to Dannatt, who was expected to be promoted to Chief of Defence Staff, the overall head of the military. It is believed that he was passed over due to his public criticism of military policy and comments on the pay and conditions of British Army soldiers.

More significant is the fact that with the selection of Richards to head the British Army, the political and military elite is cementing the so-called Washington/London "Afghan consensus": namely that only a massive military deployment into Afghanistan and the brutal crushing of all opposition can save the US-led occupation regime.

Richards has long been a vocal proponent of a "surge" of foreign forces into Afghanistan, and has called for an increase of 30,000 troops. In an interview with the BBC recently he said, "I think militarily there is a case for more troops. They don't all have to come by any means from the UK. NATO ISAF nations between them have a large number of troops, so I think perhaps we would be looking at others in the first instance."

Following the failure of other NATO nations to commit significant numbers of troops to the more dangerous southern and eastern provinces of Afghanistan, Richards is believed to favour sending up to 5,000 more British troops on top of the 8,000 already deployed. The other 25,000 troops would be made up of US reinforcements and newly trained soldiers from the US-backed Afghan Army.

The creation of such a force is problematic due to the nature of the Afghan conflict. On October 22, nine Afghan soldiers were killed and four others injured by a US air- strike on an army checkpoint in the eastern province of Khost. The Afghan defence ministry condemned the attack, warning that such incidents would "weaken the spirit" of the Afghan National Army (ANA) and undermine its relations with the US troops who train the force. The US military said its forces "may have mistakenly killed and injured" Afghan soldiers in a case of mistaken identity, "on both sides." Just four days later another US airstrike in the eastern Ghazni province killed 20 Afghan security guards.

Richards has said that a negotiated settlement may be necessary to "end the conflict", but that any talks must take place with the Afghan government and NATO in a "position of strength".

Although parliamentary ministers have publicly insisted that no further troops will be available for the Afghan occupation, senior military sources have told the Independent that talks have already been held in Whitehall about possible further deployment next year. This followed a request from General David McKiernan, the head of NATO forces in Afghanistan. The request is understood to be supported by Richards.

Richards will be working closely with the US commander, General David Petraeus, who is taking over as head of US Central Command. Petraeus, credited in Washington with reducing violence in Iraq through the "troop surge" last year, will now be in overall charge of US military policy in Afghanistan and Iraq.

Indicating the dangers into which many more young men and women are to be subjected to by Washington and London, the last British paratroopers– defending the remote Forward Operating Base Gibraltar, in Helmand province–returned home on October 26. Of the 160 men, average 23 years, who manned the base, almost one in three was killed or wounded; a casualty rate not suffered by British soldiers since the First World War.

The Guardian newspaper wrote, "The stories told by the survivors are brutal. Theirs is not a tale of technological might against a primitive foe, rather an insight into war seemingly unchanged throughout the centuries, a gruelling campaign involving daily skirmishes against a redoubtable enemy."

Security conditions in Afghanistan are worse than at any point since 2001. Aid agencies have been warning for several months of a spread of insecurity to previously more stable areas, including provinces bordering Kabul.

As a result of a previous harsh winter, severe drought and high food prices there is an impending humanitarian crisis in parts of the country. Up to five million people face food shortages, of which 1.8 million are at high risk, which could have serious public health implications and cause further internal displacement.

The Afghan population also continues to suffer in ever-greater numbers from the increasingly indiscriminate occupation-inspired violence. On October 16, angry villagers from Nad Ali district took 18 bodies–including badly mangled bodies of women and children–to the governor's house in the provincial capital of Lashkar Gah.

Haji Adnan Khan, a tribal leader in the city, said there might be more bodies trapped under the rubble. A BBC reporter in Lashkar Gah said he saw the bodies–three women and the rest children ranging in age from six months to 15 years.

The incident occurred days after a British military spokesman said that NATO aircraft had killed more than 60 Taliban fighters massing to attack Lashkar Gah.

Several recent attacks, aimed at placing pressure on occupation forces to leave Afghanistan, have taken place in Kabul, demonstrating the clearly deteriorating security situation in the capital.

On October 25, three employees of the courier company DHL, including a Briton and a South African, were killed in a shoot-out in Kabul. These deaths came less than a week after a British aid worker was killed in the capital while she was walking to work.

This month, the journalist and historian, Max Hastings added his name to the growing list of pro-occupation politicians and military leaders turned "realists" concerning the conflict in Afghanistan.

Hastings has reported as a foreign correspondent from more than 60 countries and covered 11 wars for the BBC amongst others. He states that reports of the killing of hundreds of Taliban fighters are "strategically meaningless" because NATO is "absent from vast areas of this intractable country, where the insurgents prosper. There is greater gloom about the conflict than at any time since the Taliban was ousted in 2001."

He continues, "It is only possible to travel outside heavily fortified bases in helicopters or armoured vehicles. Afghan gratitude for the creation of a few schools and hospitals is outweighed by the simple fact that, in a diplomat's words: ‘Seven years ago most of the population felt safe. Now they don't'."

What then does Hastings propose? He offers something that is perhaps germinating in the minds of many military and political figures: "The highest aspiration must be for controlled warlordism, not conventional democracy. A civil war may prove an essential preliminary before some crude equilibrium between factions can be achieved. If this sounds a wretched prognosis, it is hard to find informed westerners with higher expectations.

782
News Items / UK defence minister supports EU army
« on: October 30, 2008, 04:52:43 PM »
UK defence minister supports EU army
LEIGH PHILLIPS

27.10.2008 @ 09:25 CET

The freshly appointed UK defence secretary has publicly supported the idea of a European army, a key ambition of the French EU presidency.

Speaking to the country's Sunday Times newspaper yesterday (26 October), John Hutton, who took on the defence portfolio on 3 October, was asked about the prospects for an EU force.

He said: "I think we've got to be pragmatic about those things. I think that's perfectly sensible. France is one of our closest allies, and the French believe very strongly in this type of role. If we can support it, we should."

French President Nicholas Sarkozy, whose country currently chairs the EU's six-month rotating presidency, wants the bloc's existing military framework to have a new headquarters and each member state to commit 1,500 troops to rapid reaction forces.

"I'm not one of those EU haters [who think] anything to do with the EU must by definition be terrible," said Mr Hutton. "There's plenty of them around. I think frankly those kind of views are pathetic.

"Britain's role in the world is to be part of those alliances - that's the best way to project power, strength and conviction around the world," he continued. "People who don't understand that don't understand the nature of the modern world."

Mr Hutton also told the British paper that he thought the plans for a European Union mission to tackle piracy off the Somalian coast is a good example of how EU forces can be used.

Although the EU does not have a military, with defence remaining within the domain of each member state, Mr Sarkozy had hoped to place EU defence architecture at the heart of his country's EU chairmanship until his best-laid plans were overtaken by the global financial crisis.

In 2007, during French Bastille Day celebrations in which troops from every EU member state marched down the Champs-Elysees, Mr Sarkozy said the EU should construct a unified military.

The Bastille comments followed similar remarks from German Chancellor Angela Merkel in March of the same year on the occasion of the EU's 50th birthday. At the time, she said in an interview that she supported the idea of a unified EU army.

However, the UK, the largest of the EU's big-three military spenders ahead of France and Germany, has until now opposed the idea of a common EU force, arguing that it would unnecessarily duplicate tasks performed by NATO.

According to the Lisbon Treaty, rejected in June by the Irish in a referendum, the North Atlantic alliance "remains the foundation of the collective defence of [EU] members," with NATO always headed by a US general, however.

© 2008 EUobserver.com. All rights reserved. Printed on 28.10.2008.
 
 

783
For Your Information / What is behind US-Taliban talks? 29 October 2008
« on: October 30, 2008, 04:50:13 PM »
What is behind US-Taliban talks?

WSWS 29 October 2008

Yesterday the Wall Street Journal reported on US plans to open direct negotiations with Taliban leaders in Afghanistan. The fact that the Journal, a conservative financial paper, broke the story shows that it was not a journalistic exposé, but a deliberate public declaration of a shift in state policy.

According to the Journal, "The US is actively considering talks with elements of the Taliban, the armed Islamist group that once ruled Afghanistan and sheltered al-Qaeda, in a major policy shift that would have been unthinkable a few months ago." It reported that such talks were included in a "draft recommendation in a classified White House assessment of US strategy in Afghanistan."

These plans seek to address a serious deterioration of the US position in Afghanistan. Violence has spread through the country and into neighboring tribal areas of Pakistan, whose US-backed government has been discredited by its acquiescence in US bombings and ground incursions into Pakistan against Taliban militants. The US war on the Taliban has also antagonized important US allies that helped the US organize the Taliban militias in the interests of US pipeline politics in the mid-1990s: the Saudi clerical establishment and Pakistan's powerful military espionage agency, Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI).

Notwithstanding US "war on terror" rhetoric, which portrays the Taliban as monsters, US-Taliban talks are not new. The 2001 US invasion of Afghanistan deployed relatively few troops and the US occupation of the country has depended on manipulating Afghanistan's fractious tribal elite. A State Department official told the Journal: "We and the Afghans negotiate with the tribes every day on the district level. Sometimes they're Taliban or their supporters. Often they say: ‘If we get what we want, we'll lay down our arms.'"

The Journal also reported that officials of the US-controlled Afghan regime had negotiated with Taliban representatives "in recent weeks in Saudi Arabia."

US officials have, however, been constrained in their attempts to create a workable Afghan policy by restrictions on negotiations with the Taliban. An intelligence official told the Journal, "some US officials quietly conducted informal outreach to Taliban leaders, but the military was more interested in taking them into custody." The leaking of plans for US- Taliban talks is a signal to opinion-makers, as well as to observers abroad and particularly in Afghanistan and Pakistan, that Washington will no longer impose such limits on itself.

The change in US imperialism's ruling personnel–with the impending presidential election and the promotion of General David Petraeus to head the US Central Command, giving him authority over US forces in Afghanistan–provides US policy makers the opportunity to carry out a certain recalibration of the "war on terror."

Petraeus' history is particularly significant in this regard. He is being sent to Afghanistan to replicate there the "surge" operation he oversaw as commander of US forces in Iraq.

In Iraq, he bought off local proxies--Sunni tribesmen in Anbar province, parts of the Mahdi Army and Sunni militias in larger cities. Then, with a "surge" of US troops throughout Iraq--Anbar province, then Baqubah, Baghdad, Basra, etc.–American forces massacred those who refused to ally with them. Following the deaths of untold thousands of Iraqis and hundreds of US troops, Iraqi resistance to the US occupation has decreased. US media and political circles have hailed the surge as a great success.

Now the surge is to come to Afghanistan. At least 12,000 more US soldiers will soon arrive there. The Journal notes that Petraeus publicly endorsed the policy of US talks with the Taliban. In an October 8 speech on Afghan policy at the Heritage Foundation think-tank, he said, "You have to talk to enemies. You want to try to reconcile with as many of those as possible while then identifying those who truly are irreconcilable."

Petraeus will accordingly oversee a policy of carefully sorting out Afghan tribal leaders and making each one the proverbial offer they cannot refuse. For militia leaders who align themselves with US military policy there will be suitable rewards. For "irreconcilables" there will be air strikes and special operations raids.

This policy shift is particularly significant in that the candidate now considered the likely winner, Democrat Barack Obama, has long attacked the Bush administration for being distracted from the war in Afghanistan and called for strikes against targets in Pakistan.

The Journal noted that both presidential candidates, Obama and Republican John McCain, were supporting US-Taliban talks, helping "ensure that the policy is put in place regardless of who wins next month's elections."

This underscores a central reality of the 2008 US elections: With the likely victory of Obama, more tactically adept but no less ruthless representatives of the US ruling class will come to power.

Alex Lantier

784
Denounce the Lawless U.S. Military Attack on Syria!

The U.S. military launched a raid inside the sovereign state of Syria October 26, killing a farmer and his four sons, a man and his wife and one other adult male. Several others in the area were injured by U.S. gunfire. The adult male victims from the rural Abu Kamal district of Syria were apparently engaged in constructing a building when attacked by four U.S. military helicopters and soldiers. The U.S. attackers flew from a U.S. military base inside occupied Iraq to carry out their murderous mission within Syria.

The U.S. imperialists have also established numerous military bases inside occupied Afghanistan from which they launch regularly raids inside neighbouring Pakistan. This aggressive pattern has now been escalated into an open attack on Syria from occupied Iraq.

The U.S. is the greatest international criminal and source of anarchy, chaos and instability in the world using over a hundred military bases in foreign countries from which it launches covert military and other operations within sovereign countries and now increasingly overt military aggression. The U.S. military attacks and covert interference in the affairs of sovereign countries form part of the current chaotic economic, political and military climate in which the peoples of the world are suffering. No economic or political problem can be resolved with certainty as long as the U.S. military can roam the world with lawless impunity threatening and attacking sovereign states and disrupting their civil, economic and political affairs.

Countries large and small are unable to establish any semblance of stability in their internal political affairs as the U.S. military constantly bribes and coerces treacherous elements to engage in actions to disrupt political life and even engage in acts leading to reactionary civil war.

Countries throughout the world are greatly worried by the U.S. military and its total disregard of international law and established civilized norms. Many countries feel compelled by U.S. military threats and constant aggression to divert precious resources into military spending to defend their sovereignty and right to be. Lawless U.S. military activity has become a major objective consideration for the worldwide arms trade, which has greatly weakened economies everywhere and is a factor in the current economic crisis.

The Canadian government has encouraged the U.S. military in its flouting of international law and norms of civilized behaviour by ordering Canada's armed forces to act as U.S. mercenaries in Afghanistan and on the high seas.

Canada needs an anti-war government that has the courage to stand up to the lawlessness of the U.S. military dictators. Canadians should denounce the U.S. military for attacking Syria from one of its bases in occupied Iraq. The greatest contribution Canadians can make to stop the U.S. military's murderous campaigns is to participate in organizing here in Canada for democratic renewal and an anti-war government.

Denounce the lawless U.S. military attack on Syria! Join and build Committees for Democratic Renewal! Together let us form an anti-war government as our contribution to stopping the U.S. military march to world war!

TML
http://www.cpcml.ca/Tmld2008/D38152.htm#1

785
For Your Information / Iraq in Hell
« on: October 25, 2008, 01:26:32 PM »
Iraq in Hell
by Michael Schwartz
(Tom Dispatch)

[The Roman historian Tacitus famously put the following lines in the mouth of a British chieftain opposed to imperial Rome: "They have plundered the world, stripping naked the land in their hunger… they are driven by greed, if their enemy be rich; by ambition, if poor… They ravage, they slaughter, they seize by false pretenses, and all of this they hail as the construction of empire. And when in their wake nothing remains but a desert, they call that peace."

Or, in the case of the Bush administration, post-surge "success." Today, however, success in Iraq seems as elusive as ever for the President. The Iraqi cabinet is now refusing, without further amendment, to pass on to Parliament the status of forces agreement for stationing U.S. troops in the country that it's taken so many months for American and Iraqi negotiators to sort out. Key objections, as Juan Cole points out at his Informed Comment blog, have come from the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq, which is [Prime Minister Nouri] al-Maliki's chief political partner, the support of which he would need to get the draft through parliament." That party, Cole adds tellingly, "is close to Tehran, which objects to the agreement." The Iranian veto? Hmmm…

Among Iraqis, according to the Dreyfuss Report, only the Kurds, whose territories house no significant U.S. forces, remain unequivocally in favor of the agreement as written. Frustrated American officials, including Ambassador Ryan Crocker ("Without legal authority to operate, we do not operate… That means no security operations, no logistics, no training, no support for Iraqis on the borders, no nothing…"), Secretary of Defense Robert Gates ("Without a new legal agreement,'we basically stop doing anything' in the country…"), and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Mike Mullen ("We are clearly running out of time…") are huffing and puffing, and threatening -- if the agreement is not passed as is -- to blow the house down.

Without a mandate to remain, American troops won't leave, of course. At year's end, they will, so American officials insist, simply retreat to their bases and assumedly leave Maliki's government to dangle in the expected gale. Clearly, this is a game of chicken. What's less clear is who's willing to go over the cliff, or who exactly is going to put on the brakes.

In the meantime, the administration that, only four years ago, imposed conditions on Iraq at least as onerous as those nineteenth century colonial powers imposed on their colonies, can no longer get an agreement it desperately needs from its "allies" in Baghdad. Could this, then, be the $700 billion kiss-off? Stay tuned and, in the meantime, consider, as described by TomDispatch regular Michael Schwartz, what the Bush administration did to Iraq these last five years. Imagine it as a preview of the devastation the administration's domestic version of de-Baathification is now doing to the U.S. economy.

Schwartz's striking piece encapsulates a story he's been following closely for years: the everyday economic violence that invasion and occupation brought to Iraq. It's being posted in honor of the just-released latest TomDispatch volume, his War Without End: The Iraq War in Context, beautifully produced by Haymarket Books. Think of this superb new work on the American war in Iraq as Tacitus updated. In it, Schwartz offers a gripping history -- the best we have -- of how (to steal a phrase from the Roman historian), "driven by greed… [and] ambition," the U.S. dismantled Iraq economically. It's a nightmare of a tale, which you can watch Schwartz discuss in a brief video by clicking here. If this be "success," then we truly are wandering in the desert. (By the way, any author profits from the book will go to IVAW, Iraq Veterans Against the War.) Tom]

As the Smoke Clears in Iraq: Even before the spectacular presidential election campaign became a national obsession, and the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression crowded out other news, coverage of the Iraq War had dwindled to next to nothing. National newspapers had long since discontinued their daily feasts of multiple -- usually front page – reports on the country, replacing them with meager meals of mostly inside-the-fold summary stories. On broadcast and cable TV channels, where violence in Iraq had once been the nightly lead, whole news cycles went by without a mention of the war.

The tone of the coverage also changed. The powerful reports of desperate battles and miserable Iraqis disappeared. There are still occasional stories about high-profile bombings or military campaigns in obscure places, but the bulk of the news is about quiescence in old hot spots, political maneuvering by Iraqi factions, and the newly emerging routines of ordinary life.

A typical "return to normal life" piece appeared October 11th in the New York Times under the headline, "Schools Open, and the First Test is Iraqi Safety." Featured was a Baghdad schoolteacher welcoming her students by assuring them that "security has returned to Baghdad, city of peace."

Even as his report began, though, Times reporter Sam Dagher hedged the "return to normal" theme. Here was his first paragraph in full:


"On the first day of school, 10-year-old Basma Osama looked uneasy standing in formation under an already stifling morning sun. She and dozens of schoolmates listened to a teacher's pep talk -- probably a necessary one, given the barren and garbage-strewn playground."
This glimpse of the degraded conditions at one Baghdad public school, amplified in the body of Dagher's article by other examples, is symptomatic of the larger reality in Iraq. In a sense, the (often exaggerated) decline in violence in that country has allowed foreign reporters to move around enough to report on the real conditions facing Iraqis, and so should have provided U.S. readers with a far fuller picture of the devastation George Bush's war wrought.

In reality, though, since there are far fewer foreign reporters moving around a quieter Iraq, far less news is coming out of that wrecked land. The major newspapers and networks have drastically reduced their staffs there and -- with a relative trickle of exceptions like Dagher's fine report -- what's left is often little more than a collection of pronouncements from the U.S. military, or Iraqi and American political leaders in Baghdad and Washington, framing the American public's image of the situation there.

In addition, the devastation that is now Iraq is not of a kind that can always be easily explained in a short report, nor for that matter is it any longer easily repaired. In many cities, an American reliance on artillery and air power during the worst days of fighting helped devastate the Iraqi infrastructure. Political and economic changes imposed by the American occupation did damage of another kind, often depriving Iraqis not just of their livelihoods but of the very tools they would now need to launch a major reconstruction effort in their own country.

As a consequence, what was once the most advanced Middle Eastern society -- economically, socially, and technologically -- has become an economic basket case, rivaling the most desperate countries in the world. Only the (as yet unfulfilled) promise of oil riches, which probably cannot be effectively accessed or used until U.S. forces withdraw from the country, provides a glimmer of hope that Iraq will someday lift itself out of the abyss into which the U.S. invasion pushed it.

Consider only a small sampling of the devastation.

The Economy: Fundamental to the American occupation was the desire to annihilate Saddam Hussein's Baathist state apparatus and the economic system it commanded. A key aspect of this was the closing down of the vast majority of state-owned economic enterprises (with the exception of those involved in oil extraction and electrical generation).

In all, 192 establishments, adding up to 35% of the Iraqi economy, were shuttered in the summer and fall of 2003. These included basic manufacturing processes like leather tanning and tractor assembly that supplied other sectors, transportation firms that dominated national commerce, and maintenance enterprises that housed virtually all the technicians and engineers qualified to service the electrical, water, oil, and other infrastructural systems in the country.

Justified as the way to bring a modern free-enterprise system to backward Iraq, this draconian program was put in place by the President's proconsul in Baghdad, L. Paul Bremer III. The result? An immediate depression that only deepened in the years to follow.

One measure of this policy's impact can be found in the demise of the leather goods industry, a key pre-invasion sector of Iraq's non-petroleum economy. When a government-owned tanning operation, which all by itself employed 30,000 workers and supplied leather to an entire industry, was shuttered in late 2003, it deprived shoe-makers and other leather goods establishments of their key resource. Within a year, employment in the industry had dropped from 200,000 workers to a mere 20,000.


By the time Bremer left Iraq in the spring of 2004, the inhabitants of many cities faced 60% unemployment. Meanwhile, the country's agriculture, a key component of its economy, was also victimized by the dismantling of government establishments and services. The lush farming areas between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers suffered badly. The once-thriving date palm industry was a typical casualty. It suffered deadly infestations of pests when the occupation eliminated a government-run insecticide spraying program. Even oil refinery-based industrial towns like Baiji became cities of slums when plants devoted to non-petroleum activities were shuttered.

This economic devastation fueled the insurgency by generating desperation, anger, and willing recruits. The explosion of resistance, in turn, tended to obscure -- at least for western news services -- the desperate circumstances under which ordinary Iraqis labored.

As violence has subsided in Baghdad and elsewhere, demands for relief have come to the fore. These are not easily answered by a still largely non-functional central government in Baghdad whose administrative and economic apparatus was long ago dismantled, and many of whose key technical personnel had fled into exile. Meanwhile, in early 2006, the American occupation declared that further reconstruction work would be the responsibility of Iraqis. It is not clear into what channels the growing discontent over an economy that remains largely in the tank and a government that still cannot deliver ordinary services will flow.

Electricity: A critical factor in Iraq's collapse has been its decaying electrical grid. In areas where the insurgency raged, facilities involved in producing and transmitting electricity were targeted, both by the insurgents and U.S. forces, each trying to deprive the other of needed resources. In addition, Bremer eliminated the government-owned maintenance and engineering enterprises that had been holding the electrical system together ever since the U.N. sanctions regime after the 1991 Gulf War deprived Iraq of material needed to repair and upgrade its facilities. Maintenance and replacement contracts were given instead to multinational companies with little knowledge of the existing system and -- due to cost-plus contracting -- every incentive to replace facilities with their own proprietary technology. In the meantime, many Iraqi technicians left the country.

The successor Iraqi governments, deprived of the capacity to manage the system's reconstruction, continued the U.S. occupation policy of contracting with foreign companies. Even in areas of the country relatively unaffected by the fighting, those companies did the lucrative thing, replacing entire sections of the electric grid, often with inappropriate but exquisitely expensive equipment and technology.

A combination of factors -- including pressure from the insurgency, the soaring costs of security, and an almost unparalleled record of endemic waste and corruption -- led to costs well beyond those originally offered for the already overpriced projects. Many were then abandoned before completion as funding ran out. Completed projects were often shabbily done and just as often proved incompatible with existing facilities, introducing new inefficiencies.

In one altogether-too-typical case, Bechtel installed 26 natural gas turbines in areas where no natural gas was available. The turbines were then converted to oil, which reduced their capacity by 50% and led to a rapid sludge build-up in the equipment requiring expensive maintenance no Iraqi technicians had been trained to perform. In location after location, the turbines became inoperative.

Even before the invasion, the decrepit electrical system could not meet national demand. No province had uninterrupted service and certain areas had far less than 12 hours of service per day. The vast investments by the occupation and its successor regimes have increased electrical capacity since the invasion of 2003, but these gains have not come close to keeping up with skyrocketing demand created by the presence of hundreds of thousands of troops, private security personnel, and occupation officials, as well as by the introduction of all manner of electronic devices and products in the post-invasion period. Recent U.N. reports indicate that, in the last year, electrical capacity has slipped to less than half of demand. With priority going to military and government operations, many Baghdad neighborhoods experience less than two hours of publicly provided electricity a day, forcing citizens and business enterprises to utilize expensive and polluting gasoline generators.

In spring of this year, 81% of Iraqis reported that they had experienced inadequate electricity in the previous month. During the heat of summer and the cold of winter, these shortages create real health emergencies.

In 2004, the U.N. estimated that $20 billion in reconstruction funds would be needed for a fully operative electrical grid. The estimates now range from $40 billion to $80 billion.

Water: The Tigris and Euphrates rivers, which flow through the country from the northwest to the southeast, have since time immemorial irrigated the rich farming land that lay between them, nurtured the fish that are a staple of the Iraqi diet, and provided water for animal and human consumption. American-style warfare, with its reliance on tank, artillery, and air power, often resulted in the cratering of streets in upstream Sunni cities like Tal Afar, Falluja, and Samarra where the insurgency was strongest. One result was the wrecking of already weakened underground sewage systems. In the Sadr City section of Baghdad, for instance, where much fighting has taken place and American air power was called in regularly, there is now a lake of sewage clearly visible on satellite photographs.

The ultimate destination of significant parts of the filth from devastated sewage systems was the two rivers. Five years worth of such waste flowing through the streets and into those rivers has left them thoroughly contaminated. Their water can no longer be safely drunk by humans or animals, the remaining fish cannot be safely eaten, and the contaminated water reportedly withers the crops it irrigates.

Iraq's never-adequate water purification system has proven woefully insufficient to handle this massive flow of contamination, while inadequate electric supplies insure that the country's few functional purification plants are less than effective.

In many cities, the sewage system must be entirely reconstructed, but repairs cannot even begin without a viable electrical system, a reinvigorated engineering and construction sector, and a government capable of marshalling these resources. None of these prerequisites currently exist.

Schools: Education has been a victim of all the various pathologies current in Iraqi society. During the initial invasion, the U.S. military often commandeered schools as forward bases, attracted by their well-defined perimeters, open spaces for vehicles, and many rooms for offices and barracks. Two incidents in which American gunfire from an occupied elementary school killed Iraqi civilians in the conservative Sunni city of Falluja may have been the literal sparks that started the insurgency. Many schools would subsequently be rendered uninhabitable by destructive battles fought in or near them.

Under the U.S. occupation's de-Baathification policy, thousands of teachers who belonged to the Baath Party were fired, leaving hundreds of thousands of students teacherless. In addition, the shuttering of government enterprises deprived the schools of supplies -- including books and teaching materials -- as well as urgently needed maintenance.

The American solution, as with the electric grid, was to hire multinational firms to repair the schools and rehabilitate school systems. The result was an orgy of corruption accompanied by very little practical aid. Local school officials complained that facilities with no windows, heating, or toilet facilities were repainted and declared fit for use.

The dwindling central government presence made schools inviting arenas for sectarian conflict, with administrators, teachers, and especially college professors removed, kidnapped, or assassinated for ideological reasons. This, in turn, stimulated a mass exodus of teachers, intellectuals, and scientists from the country, removing precious human capital essential for future reconstruction.

Finally, in Baghdad, the U.S. military began installing ten-foot tall cement walls around scores of communities and neighborhoods to wall off participants in the sectarian violence. As a result, schoolchildren were often separated from their schools, reducing attendance at the few intact facilities to those students who happened to live within the imprisoning walls.

This fall, as some of these walls were dismantled, residents discovered that many of the schools were virtually unusable. The Times's Dagher offered a vivid description, for instance, of a school in the Dolaie neighborhood which "is falling apart, and overwhelmed by the children of almost 4,000 Shiite refugee families who have settled in the Chukouk camp nearby. The roof is caving in, classroom floors and hallways are stripped bare, and in the playground a pile of burnt trash was smoldering."

The Dysfunctional Society: Much has been made in the U.S. presidential campaign of the $70 billion oil surplus the Iraqi government built up in these last years as oil prices soared. In actuality, most of it is currently being held in American financial institutions, with various American politicians threatening to confiscate it if it is not constructively spent. Yet even this bounty reflects the devastation of the war.

De-Baathification and subsequent chaos rendered the Iraqi government incapable of effectively administering projects that lay outside the fortified, American-controlled Green Zone in the heart of Baghdad. A vast flight of the educated class to Syria, Jordan, and other countries also deprived it of the managers and technicians needed to undertake serious reconstruction on a large scale.

As a consequence, less than 25% of the funds budgeted for facility construction and reconstruction last year were even spent. Some government ministries spent less than 1% of their allocations. In the meantime, the large oil surpluses have become magnets for massive governmental corruption, further infuriating frustrated citizens who, after five years, still often lack the most basic services. Transparency International's 2008 "corruption perceptions index" listed Iraq as tied for 178th place among the 180 countries evaluated.

The Iraq that has emerged from the American invasion and occupation is now a thoroughly wrecked land, housing a largely dysfunctional society. More than a million Iraqis may have died; millions have fled their homes; many millions of others have been scarred by war, insurgency and counterinsurgency operations, extreme sectarian violence, and soaring levels of common criminality. Education and medical systems have essentially collapsed and, even today, with every kind of violence in decline, Iraq remains one of the most dangerous societies on earth.

As its crisis deepened, the various areas of social and technical devastation became ever more entwined, reinforcing one another. The country's degraded sewage and water systems, for example, have spawned two consecutive years of widespread cholera. It seems likely that this year, the disease will only subside when the cold weather makes further contagion impossible, but this "solution" also guarantees its reoccurrence each year until water purification systems are rebuilt.

In the meantime, cholera victims cannot rely on Iraq's once vaunted medical system, since two-thirds of the country's doctors have fled, its hospitals are often in a state of advanced decay and disrepair, drugs remain scarce, and equipment, if available at all, is outdated. The rebuilding of the water and medical systems, however, cannot get fully underway unless the electrical system is restored to reasonable shape. Repair of the electrical grid awaits a reliable oil and gas pipeline system to provide fuel for generators, and this cannot be constructed without the expertise of technicians who have left the country, or newly trained specialists that the educational system is now incapable of producing. And so it goes.

On a daily basis, this cauldron of misery renews powerful feelings of discontent, which explains why American military leaders regularly insist that the country's current relative quiescence is, at best, "fragile." They believe only the most minimal reductions in U.S. forces in Iraq (still hovering at close to 150,000 troops) are advisable.

Even if Washington prefers to ignore Iraqi realities, military officials working close to the ground know that the country's state of disrepair, and an inability to deal with it in any reasonably prompt way, leaves a population in steaming discontent. At any moment, this could explode in further sectarian violence or yet another violent effort to expel the U.S. forces from the country.

--Michael Schwartz's new book, War Without End: The Iraq War in Context (Haymarket, 2008), has just been released. It explains just how the militarized geopolitics of oil led the U.S. to dismantle the Iraqi state and economy while fueling sectarian civil war inside that country. A professor of sociology at Stony Brook State University, Schwartz has written extensively on popular protest and insurgency. His work on Iraq has appeared in numerous outlets, including TomDispatch, Asia Times, Mother Jones, and Contexts. A video of him discussing "wrecked Iraq" can be seen by clicking here. His email address is ms42@optonline.net.




http://www.tomdispatch.com
 

786
     
Written by David Wilson     
Friday, 17 October 2008
Stop the War Website

New head of British ArmyThe new head of the British Army, General Sir David Richards, is believed to favour sending 5,000 more British troops to Afghanistan on top of the 8,000 already there. This should, he argues, be part of a massive 30,000 increase in the number of occupation troops, with the US supplying 25,000 additional troops

Last month the British ambassador to Afghanistan, Sir Sherard Cowper-Coles, is reported to have said that the US strategy in Afghanistan is destined to fail. "The coalition presence - particularly the military presence - is part of the problem, not the solution," he said.

Only last week the U.S. Army Gen. David Petraeus said that negotiations with the Taliban could might be considered.

What is going on? Generals, diplomats and politicians are tripping over themselves in their confusions. British troops might be asking themselves what they are doing in Afghanistan since their political and military commanders seem to have no idea.

The wars and occupation of both Afghanistan and Iraq are criminal and immoral and now a bloody farce. With at least a million dead in Iraq, spiralling civilian deaths in Afghanistan and both countries devastated, the Stop the War Coalition calls for the immediate withdrawal of British troops from both countries.

(General David Richards is also a contributor to Crimson Snow , a book on the first of three defeats suffered by British forces in Afghanistan)

See Amazon's product review of the book, Crimson Snow, below.
http://www.amazon.com/Crimson-Snow-Britains-Disaster-Afghanistan/dp/0750948256

"We must see what the morning brings and then think what can be done," said Major General Elphinstone, when told of the rampaging mob outside his residency in Kabul, 1841. Was former Prime Minister Tony Blair wrong in 2001 to allow Britain to be drawn into a fourth conflict in Afghanistan, just as it was wrong for Britain to go into that country in 1839 without a shred of evidence to support widespread fears of imminent Russian invasion? The result of this misadventure was the worst single military disaster the Raj ever suffered: a column of 16,000 troops, their families and camp followers were massacred on the retreat from Kabul.
 





787
News Items / Re: Protesters march against proposed U.S.-Iraq pact
« on: October 18, 2008, 01:05:31 PM »
Muqtada al-Sadr urges rejection of US-Iraqi pact
By HAMZA HENDAWI
Associated Press Writer
Iraq Anti US Protest


Followers of Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr take part in a rally in Baghdad, Iraq, on Saturday, Oct. 18, 2008, to protest a draft U.S.-Iraqi security agreement. The mass show of opposition comes as the United States and Iraqi leaders try to build support for the accord that would extend the presence of American forces in Iraq beyond the end of this year.

Protesters wave Iraqi flags and carry a poster of Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr during rally in Baghdad, Iraq, on Saturday, Oct. 18,2008, to protest a draft U.S.-Iraqi security agreement. The mass show of opposition comes as the United States and Iraqi leaders try to build support for the accord that would extend the presence of American forces in Iraq beyond the end of this year. Followers of Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr pray as they take part in a rally in Baghdad, Iraq, on Saturday, Oct. 18,2008, to protest a draft U.S.-Iraqi security agreement. The mass show of opposition comes as the United States and Iraqi leaders try to build support for the accord that would extend the presence of American forces in Iraq beyond the end of this year. Thousands of Followers of Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr take part in a rally in Baghdad, Iraq, on Saturday, Oct. 18,2008, to protest a draft U.S.-Iraqi security agreement. The mass show of opposition comes as the United States and Iraqi leaders try to build support for the accord that would extend the presence of American forces in Iraq beyond the end of this year. Two Iraqi protesters place a poster with Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr on a huge Iraqi flag during a rally in Baghdad, Iraq, on Saturday, Oct. 18, 2008, to protest a draft U.S.- Iraqi security agreement. The mass show of opposition comes as the United States and Iraqi leaders try to build support for the accord that would extend the presence of American forces in Iraq beyond the end of this year. Thousands of followers of Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr take part in a rally in Baghdad, Iraq, on Saturday, Oct. 18, 2008, to protest a draft U.S.-Iraqi security agreement. The mass show of opposition comes as the United States and Iraqi leaders try to build support for the accord that would extend the presence of American forces in Iraq beyond the end of this year. Thousands of followers of Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr take part in a rally in Baghdad, Iraq, on Saturday, Oct. 18, 2008, to protest a draft U.S.-Iraqi security agreement. The mass show of opposition comes as the United States and Iraqi leaders try to build support for the accord that would extend the presence of American forces in Iraq beyond the end of this year. Thousands of followers of Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr take part in a rally in Baghdad, Iraq, on Saturday, Oct. 18,2008, to protest a draft U.S.-Iraqi security agreement. The mass show of opposition comes as the United States and Iraqi leaders try to build support for the accord that would extend the presence of American forces in Iraq beyond the end of this year. Worshippers holding a picture of Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, chant slogans after Friday prayers in the Shiite stronghold of Sadr City, in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday. Oct. 17, 2008. Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr has called an anti-U.S. protest for Saturday after the 5th anniversary of the U.S. capture of Baghdad. Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, right, meets with the US Ambassador to Iraq Ryan Crocker and the top military commander in Iraq Gen. Ray Odierno, left, in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday, Oct. 17, 2008. Muslim worshippers attend Friday prayers, as a poster at left, reads in Arabic "invaders get out of my country" in the Shiite stronghold of Sadr City, in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday. Oct. 17, 2008. A young boy watches worshippers as they attend Friday prayers in the Shiite stronghold of Sadr City, in Baghdad, Iraq, Friday. Oct. 17, 2008. audio Followers of Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr rallied in Baghdad today to protest a draft security agreement that would extend the presence of American forces in Iraq beyond the end of the year.

BAGHDAD --
Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr on Saturday called on Iraq's parliament to reject a U.S.-Iraqi security pact as tens of thousands of his followers rallied in Baghdad against the deal.

The mass public show of opposition came as U.S. and Iraqi leaders face a Dec. 31 deadline to reach agreement on the deal, which would replace an expiring U.N. mandate authorizing the U.S.-led forces in Iraq.

Al-Sadr's message was addressed to the crowd as well as Iraqi lawmakers and read by his aide Sheik Abdul-Hadi al-Mohammadawi before a huge crowd of mostly young men waving Iraqi and green Shiite flags and chanting slogans including "no, no to the agreement" and "yes to Iraq."

"The Iraqi government has abandoned its duty before God and its people and referred the agreement to you knowing that ratifying it will stigmatize Iraq and its government for years to come," he said.

"I am with every Sunni, Shiite or Christian who is opposed to the agreement ... and I reject, condemn and renounce the presence of occupying forces and basis on our beloved land," the message added.

Al-Sadr, who is living in Iran, also cast doubt on the Iraqi government's argument that the security pact is a step toward ending the U.S. presence in Iraq. The deal would require U.S. forces to leave by Dec. 31, 2011 unless Iraq asked some of them to stay.

"If they tell you that the agreement ends the presence of the occupation, let me tell you that the occupier will retain its bases. And whoever tells you that it gives us sovereignty is a liar," al-Sadr said. "I am confident that you brothers in parliament will champion the will of the people over that of the occupier ... Do not betray the people."

The demonstrators marched from the main Shiite district of Sadr City to the more central Mustansiriyah Square in eastern Baghdad.

"No, No to America," shouted one man, wearing a white Islamic robe as he sat in a wheelchair and clutched a poster of the Iraqi flag. "We prefer death to giving concessions."

Security was tight with Iraqi security forces manning checkpoints on sidestreets and snipers on rooftops. Iraqi Humvees controlled all the roads leading to the square. Giant Iraqi flags covered nearby buildings.

One banner in English said: "We refuse the existence of the U.S. in Iraq."

Organizers insisted the turnout for the demonstrations exceeded 1 million, but Associated Press reporters and photographers at the scene said the crowd was in the tens of thousands. Police had no estimates of their own.

"This demonstration is our response to the agreement," said Nasser al-Saadi, one of 30 Sadrist lawmakers. "It is also meant to demand a popular referendum on the agreement."

The three-hour gathering ended without trouble except for a brief incident when several young demonstrators pelted army troops manning a checkpoint with rocks. There were no injuries and no arrests.

Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's government and the Bush administration have hammered out a draft agreement after months of bitter negotiations. But the Iraqi parliament must ratify the deal and Iraq's pre-eminent cleric Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani has said any accord must have national consensus.

Al-Maliki, a Shiite, could be politically isolated if he tries to win parliament's backing in the face of widespread opposition.

Several Sunni and Shiite clerics, who wield considerable influence in shaping public opinion, also spoke out during Friday prayer services against the draft, complaining that the Iraqi public knows little about the terms.

A copy of the draft accord obtained by The Associated Press specifies that U.S. troops must leave Iraqi cities by the end of June and be gone by 2012. It gives Iraq limited authority over off-duty, off-base U.S. soldiers who commit crimes.

U.S. Congressional approval is not required for the pact to take effect, but the administration is trying to build maximum political support anyway.

"This agreement poses a serious danger to the Iraqi people," said Nassar al-Rubaie, another Sadrist lawmaker. "It will replace Iraq's occupation with foreign protection."

Al-Sadr's loyalists quit al-Maliki's government last year in protest against the prime minister's failure to announce a timetable for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Iraq. They also quit the United Iraqi Alliance, the Shiite bloc in parliament.

They boycotted a meeting Friday night between al-Maliki and leaders of parliamentary blocs to discuss a draft of the agreement and plan to vote against it when it comes up for a vote in the 275-seat parliament.

Also on Saturday, Iraqi officials said the leader of a U.S.-allied Sunni group that turned against al-Qaida was killed in a drive-by shooting south of Baghdad.

Abdul-Hadi Obais al-Janabi was a local leader in the Sons of Iraq group, which the U.S. credits with helping improve security in former insurgent strongholds. Such U.S.-backed Sunni groups have recently come under the authority of the Iraqi government.

A police spokesman said al-Janabi was walking Saturday in the village of Jurf al-Sakhr when he was killed. Dr. Zuhair al Khafaji at al-Musayyib hospital in Hillah confirmed the death.

Meanwhile, Bahrain's foreign minister arrived in Iraq's capital Saturday for a one-day visit aimed at improving bilateral relations between the countries, the latest high-level visit by a senior Arab dignitary.

788
News Items / Protesters march against proposed U.S.-Iraq pact
« on: October 18, 2008, 01:03:16 PM »
Protesters march against proposed U.S.-Iraq pact

 

BAGHDAD, Iraq (CNN) -- Thousands of people marched in central Baghdad on Saturday to protest a proposed U.S.-Iraqi security agreement that would extend the presence of U.S. troops in the country after the end of the year.
Thousands staged a mass march through Baghdad, Iraq, on Saturday to protest a planned U.S.-Iraq security deal.

Thousands staged a mass march through Baghdad, Iraq, on Saturday to protest a planned U.S.-Iraq security deal.

The political party of Iraqi cleric Muqtada al-Sadr called for the rally. At one point, several speakers at a podium addressed the mass of people, urging the Iraqi government to reject the proposal.

"End the U.S. occupation of Iraq!" one speaker shouted in English.

Hazem al-Araji, a senior al-Sadr aide, told protesters their voices would be heard in America.

"Thanks to you, to these voices and the millions of voices, George Bush will hear these millions of calls in his 'Black House' -- in which you shouted out, 'No, no, America!'" he said.

"This talk and these words are that of the leader, Muqtada al-Sadr: Baghdad is free, free! America, get out. This voice does not reach the Green Zone. We want to hear everyone who is occupied in that area saying Baghdad is free, free, America get out!" al-Araji exclaimed.

Protesters clogged several streets in the capital, waving Iraqi flags and kicking up dust. The demonstration, the largest in Baghdad in several months, was largely peaceful.
Don't Miss

    * Iraq, U.S. reviewing draft of status-of-forces deal
    * Female suicide bomber injures 5 in Iraq

Pentagon spokesman Geoff Morrell said in Washington on Thursday a draft status-of-forces agreement authorizing the U.S. troop presence in Iraq had "been agreed upon by U.S. and Iraqi negotiators" and was being reviewed by the two governments.

A U.N. mandate authorizing the U.S. troop presence in Iraq expires December 31, and U.S. officials are examining "contingencies" in case the Iraqi government is unable to sell the status-of-forces deal to the country's various factions, a senior Bush administration official said this week.

The same official said negotiations on the pact had finished and the text was final. The official said the "final" draft calls for U.S. troops to be out of Iraqi cities by June 2009 and out of Iraq by the end of 2011 unless the Iraqis ask the United States to stay.

The U.S. official, speaking on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the discussions, said negotiators had also "reached a compromise" on the issue of U.S. troops remaining immune from Iraqi law -- an issue that was a major hurdle in the talks.

Baghdad has sought the power to arrest and try Americans accused of crimes not related to official military operations, plus jurisdiction over troops and contractors who commit grave mistakes in the course of their duties.

The United States has insisted its troops and contractors remain immune from Iraqi law.


CNN State Department Producer Elise Labott contributed to this report.

789
News Items / Parliament? What parliament? ... Oil? Whose oil?
« on: October 18, 2008, 12:07:08 AM »
Parliament? What parliament? ... Oil? Whose oil?
.
"The biggest ever sale of oil assets will take place today, when the Iraqi government puts 40bn barrels of recoverable reserves up for offer in London.
BP, Shell and ExxonMobil are all expected to attend a meeting at the Park Lane Hotel in Mayfair with the Iraqi oil minister, Hussein al-Shahristani.
Access is being given to eight fields, representing about 40% of the Middle Eastern nation's reserves, at a time when the country remains under occupation by US and British forces.
This deal has also triggered controversy.
....
Two smaller agreements have already been signed with Shell and the China National Petroleum Corporation, but today's sale will ignite arguments over whether the overthrow of Saddam Hussein was a "war for oil" that is now to be consummated by western multinationals seizing control of strategic Iraqi reserves.
....
Issam al-Chalabi, Iraq's oil minister between 1987 and 1990, questioned why there had been no competitive tendering for the gas-gathering contract and claimed it had gone to Shell as the spoils of war.
"Why choose Shell when you could have chosen ExxonMobil, Chevron, BG or Gazprom?" he asked. "Shell appears to be paying $4bn to get hold of assets that in 20 years could be worth $40bn. Iraq is giving away half its gas wealth and yet this work could have been done by Iraq itself."
Iraqi government fuels 'war for oil' theories by putting reserves up for biggest ever sale, October 13, 2008
.
"In a surprise development at a meeting in London on Monday, the Iraqi oil minister, Hussain al Shahristani, invited 35 pre-qualified foreign oil companies to bid for a share of revenues from six big Iraqi oil fields and two gas fields after certain initial targets are met. The competitive bidding round will be Iraq’s first for licences to produce oil and gas in the oil-rich country, and is being closely watched internationally.The structure of the new deals unveiled by Mr Shahristani runs against what most western oil companies and analysts were expecting and many had feared: more “technical services contracts” based on flat fees for pumping oil. Instead, by offering extra long-term incentives to foreign investors in Iraq’s re-emergent oil sector, the Iraqi oil minister may have swept aside one of the biggest impediments to getting the country’s energy development programme back on track: persuading technically savvy western oil companies to assist."
.....
Foreign oil companies are expected to submit bids on the 20-year contracts within six months, and Iraq’s government wants deals to be in place by next June. Only the Iraqi cabinet would review the deals and decide whether to approve them, Mr Shahristani said, bypassing the need for protracted debate in Iraq’s politically fractious parliament. “We cannot afford any more delays,” he added."
Iraq announces details of oil contracts October 14, 2008
Above emphasis added. Comment - Planting Democracy in Iraq!
.
 

790
Newcastle Stop the War / Newcastle World Against War Rally
« on: October 14, 2008, 09:37:12 PM »
Newcastle World Against War Rally
October 23, 2008
Newcastle STWC presents
'World Against War' Rally with speakers:
Hossam el Hamalawi, Egyptian Journalist & Activist,
Sabba Jawad of Iraqi Democrats Against The War &
Chris Nineham of STWC.
7pm at Mea House, Ellison Place, Newcastle Upon Tyne. Nearest Metro's: Monument and Manors

791
Newcastle Stop the War / Tyneside Stop the War Coalition
« on: October 13, 2008, 07:35:12 AM »
The next Tyneside Stop the War Monthly Meeting will be at 6.30 pm Monday, November 3, at the Muslim Welfare House, 6 North Terrace, Newcastle.
 
The agenda will be set at the meeting.

 


792
News Items / Afghan talks widen US-UK rift
« on: October 12, 2008, 08:35:18 PM »
Afghan talks widen US-UK rift
By Gareth Porter

WASHINGTON - The beginning of political talks between the Afghan government and the Taliban, revealed by press accounts this week, is likely to deepen the rift that has just erupted in public between the United States and Britain over the US commitment to an escalation of the war in Afghanistan.

According to a French diplomatic cable leaked to a French magazine last week, UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown's government is looking for an exit strategy from Afghanistan rather than an endless war, and it sees a US escalation of the war as an alternative to a political settlement rather than as supporting such an outcome.

The first meetings between the two sides were held in Saudi Arabia in the presence of Saudi King Abdullah from September 24

 

to 27, as reported by CNN's Nic Robertson from London on Tuesday. Eleven Taliban delegates, two Afghan government officials and a representative of independent former mujahideen commander Gulfadin Hekmatyar participated in the meetings, according to Robertson.

Brigadier Mark Carleton-Smith of the British command in Afghanistan enthusiastically welcomed such talks. He was quoted by The Sunday Times of London as saying, "We want to change the nature of the debate from one where disputes are settled through the barrel of the gun to one where it is done through negotiations."

If the Taliban were prepared to talk about a political settlement, said Carleton-Smith, "that's precisely the sort of the progress that concludes insurgencies like this."

The George W Bush administration, however, was evidently taken by surprise by news of the Afghan peace talks and decidedly cool toward them. One US official told The Washington Times that it was unclear that the meetings in Saudi Arabia presage government peace talks with the Taliban. The implication was that the administration would not welcome such talks.

A US defense official in Afghanistan told the paper the Bush administration was "surprised" it had not been informed about the meeting in advance by the Afghan government.

Defense Secretary Robert Gates, on his way to discuss Afghanistan with North Atlantic Treaty Organization defense ministers in Budapest, made it clear that the Bush administration supports talks only for the purposes of attracting individual leaders to leave the Taliban and join the government. "What is important is detaching those who are reconcilable and who are willing to be part of the future of the country from those who are irreconcilable,"he said.

Gates said he drew line at talks with the head of the Taliban, Mullah Mohammad Omar.

However, representatives of the Taliban leader are apparently involved in the talks, and President Hamid Karzai is committed to going well beyond the tactic of appealing to individual Taliban figures.

Afghan Defense Minister Abdul Rahim Wardak said in a news conference on October 4 that resolution of the conflict required a "political settlement with the Taliban". He added that such a settlement would come only "after Taliban's acceptance of the Afghan constitution and the peaceful rotation of power by democratic means."

The Afghan talks come against the backdrop of a Bush administration decision to send 8,000 more US troops to Afghanistan next year, and the expressed desire of the US commander, General David D McKiernan, for yet another 15,000 combat and support troops. Both Democratic candidate Barack Obama and Republican candidate John McCain have said they would increase US troop strength in Afghanistan.

Obama has said he would send troops now scheduled to remain in Iraq until next summer to Afghanistan as an urgent priority, whereas McCain has not said when or how he would increase the troop level.

Such a US troop increase is exactly what the British fear, however. The British ambassador in Afghanistan, Sir Sherard Cowper-Coles, was quoted in a diplomatic cable leaked to the French investigative magazine Le Canard Enchaine last week as telling the French deputy ambassador that the US presidential candidates "must be dissuaded from getting further bogged down in Afghanistan".

In the French diplomatic report of the September 2 conversation, Cowper-Coles is reported as saying that an increase in foreign troop strength in Afghanistan would only exacerbate the overall political problem in Afghanistan.

The report has the ambassador saying that such an increase "would identify us even more strongly as an occupation force and would multiply the targets" for the insurgents.

Cowper-Coles is quoted as saying foreign forces are the "lifeline"of the Afghan regime and that additional forces would "slow down and complicate a possible emergence from the crisis".

In an obvious reference to the intention to rely on higher levels of military force, Cowper-Coles said US strategy in Afghanistan "is destined to fail".

Cowper-Coles is reported to have put much of the blame for the deterioration of the situation in Afghanistan on the Karzai government. "The security situation is getting worse,"the report quoted him as saying. "So is corruption, and the government had lost all trust."

The report makes it clear that the British want to withdraw all their troops from Afghanistan within five to 10 years. Cowper-Coles is said to have suggested that the only way to do so is through the emergence of what he called an "acceptable dictator".

The British foreign office has denied that the report reflected the policy of the government itself. Nevertheless, statements by Brigadier Carleton-Smith, the senior British commander in Afghanistan, last week, underlined the gulf between US and British views on Afghanistan.

"We're not going to win this war," said Carleton-Smith, according to The Sunday Times of London on September 28. Carleton-Smith, commander of an air assault brigade, has completed two tours in Afghanistan. He suggested that foreign troops would and should leave Afghanistan without having defeated the insurgency. "We may leave with there still being a low but steady ebb of rural insurgency," he said.

Like Cowper-Coles, Carleton-Smith suggested that the real problem for the coalition was not military but political. "This struggle is more down to the credibility of the Afghan government than the threat from the Taliban," he said.

When Gordon Brown replaced Tony Blair as British prime minister in June 2007, British officials concluded that the Taliban were too deeply rooted to be defeated militarily, according to a report in The Guardian last October. The Brown government decided to pursue a strategy of courting "moderate" Taliban leaders and fighters who were believed to be motivated more by tribal obligation than jihadi ideology.

That idea was in line with US strategy. Now, however, both Karzai and the British have moved beyond that to a policy of negotiating directly and officially with the Taliban. For the British it appears to be part of an exit strategy that is not shared by Washington.

Defense Secretary Gates responded to Carleton-Smith's remarks Tuesday by reiterating the official US view that additional forces are needed in Afghanistan and implying that the British's officer's views are "defeatist". Gates said there "certainly is no reason to be defeatist or to underestimate the opportunity to be successful in the long run".

Gareth Porter is an investigative historian and journalist specializing in US national security policy. The paperback edition of his latest book, Perils of Dominance: Imbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam,was published in 2006.

Inter Press Service

793
General Discussion / Re: International demonstration against NATO
« on: October 12, 2008, 03:19:39 PM »
Protest Against NATO launched     
Written by Chris Nineham     
Thursday, 09 October 2008 
Last weekend one hundred delegates from the anti war and peace movements from 16 countries met in Germany to plan protests at NATO's 60th conference from the 2nd to the 5th April 2009.

The call for the protests is extremely timely. NATO has become the key vehicle for the US and its allies to pursue their wars.

The push for NATO expansion was the main cause of the conflict in Georgia.

NATO is taking the lead in the disastrous occupation of Afghanistan.

The meeting pledged to bring together all the different strands of opposition to war and militarism in the biggest possible series of protests Events will include direct action, civil disobedience, a counter conference and a mass demonstration on Saturday 4th April.

The Stop the War Coalition is backing the protests. We will be organising transport and mobilising as widely as possible.

The conference produced the following call for the protests .

We are asking all our supporters to distribute it and get as many organisations as possible to back it.

 

794
General Discussion / International demonstration against NATO
« on: October 12, 2008, 03:18:55 PM »
International demonstration against NATO     
Written by Stewart office     
Wednesday, 08 October 2008 
On the occasion of the sixtieth anniversary of the NATO military organisation, we appeal to all people to come to Strasbourg and Kehl in April 2009, to protest against NATO's aggressive military and nuclear policies, and assert our vision of a just world free of war.

NATO is an increasing obstacle to achieving world peace. Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has reinvented itself as a tool for military action by the "international community", including the promotion of the so-called "war on terror". In reality it is a vehicle for US-led use of force with military bases on all continents, bypassing the United Nations and the system of international law, accelerating militarisation and escalating arms expenditure - NATO countries account for 75% of global military expenditure. Pursuing that expansionist agenda since 1991, designed to advance strategic and resource interests, NATO has waged war in the Balkans, under the guise of so-called "humanitarian war", and has waged seven years of brutal war in Afghanistan, where the tragic situation is escalating and the war has expanded into Pakistan.


In Europe NATO is worsening tensions, feeding the arms race with so-called "missile defence", a massive nuclear arsenal and a nuclear first strike policy. EU policy is increasingly tied to NATO. NATO's ongoing and potential expansion into eastern Europe and beyond, and its "out of area" operations are making the world a more dangerous place. The conflict in the Caucasus is a clear indication of the dangers. Each advance of the NATO border increases the possibility of war, including the use of nuclear weapons.

To achieve our vision of a peaceful world, we reject military responses to global and regional crises - these are part of the problem not part of the solution. We refuse to live under the terror of nuclear weapons, and reject a new arms race. We must decrease military expenditure - directing resources instead to meeting human needs. We must close down all foreign military bases. We oppose all military structures used for military intervention. We must democratise and demilitarise the relations between peoples and establish new forms of peaceful cooperation to build a more secure and just world.

We call on you to spread this message in your communities and movements, to come to Strasbourg and Kehl and to make this vision a reality. We believe that a world of peace is possible.

No to war
No to NATO.

The activities during the anti-NATO protest will include a demonstration on Saturday 4th April, an international conference from Thursday 2nd April to Sunday 5th April, direct action and civil disobedience, and an international resistance camp from Wednesday 1st April to Sunday 5th April. 

795
News Items / US threatens to sack Iraqi Prime Minister
« on: October 12, 2008, 03:16:23 PM »
US threatens to sack Iraqi Prime Minister     
Written by Sabah Jawad of Iraqi Democrats Against the Occupation     
Friday, 10 October 2008 


John NegroponteArabic news websites have been reporting that during his recent five day visit to Iraq, US Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte ('the Butcher of El Salvador' and former US ambassador to Iraq), threatened the al-Maliki government. He informed al-Maliki that unless he approved the Strategic Security Plan he would be deposed and replaced by a dictator. With its international mandate in Iraq set to expire, the Bush administration insists that the government in Baghdad give the US authority to conduct combat operations and hold battlefield detainees, to maintain permanent bases in Iraq, and to guarantee American troops and civilian contractors immunity from Iraqi law.




This is a deal that violates Iraqi sovereignty and will be extremely unpopular with the general population and these demands put the government in a very precarious situation. Similar desperate measures are being taken by the occupiers in Afghanistan. British military leaders and senior diplomats have stated that victory is impossible and that they would soon be looking for an 'acceptable' dictator to replace Hamid Karzai. British Brigadier Mark Carleton-Smith, top UK military officer in Afghanistan said, "We're not going to win this war. It's about reducing it to a manageable level of insurgency that's not a strategic threat and can be managed by the Afghan army," The head of the French military, General Jean-Louis Georgelin on Wednesday echoed these comments and said, "there is no military solution to the Afghan crisis."

The occupation of both countries had nothing to do with democracy or respect for human rights. In Iraq the occupiers created a political system under which subservient political leaders would be dumped once they had served their purpose. We have seen this before - in Vietnam for example!

The reason why Iraq was occupied was to enable the US to physically control the country's energy sources and exert influence over the wider Middle East. The Security Pact and new oil laws aim to institutionalise this situation.

Even after six years of occupation the US has been unable to get any of this in place. This is evidence of the failure of the occupation largely as a result of the people's resistance. Bombs exploded outside the Iraqi capital's tightly guarded Green Zone on Tuesday as Negroponte wrapped up his visit. Neither imposing new governments or trying to force through secret deals is likely to deliver for the US. In Afghanistan opposition to the occupation is growing, in Iraq what legitimacy the government has is eroding fast. These kind of moves by the occupiers are likely to inflame the situation in both countries.

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